What lies behind the mask
Ram Puniyani, Hindustan Times
June 24, 2012
June 24, 2012
In an obvious reference to any possible projection of
Narendra Modi as a prime ministerial candidate for the next parliamentary
elections, Bihar chief minister Nitish Kumar recently said that the NDA should
choose a candidate who has secular credentials. The BJP, meanwhile, spoke in
various VOICES.
One of its
leaders said that ideologically, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, LK Advani and Modi were
of the same hue. Another pointed out that since Hindutva is secular and
liberal, there was no reason why Modi could not be the prime ministerial
candidate.
Kumar is
no secular angel. When BJP became the single largest party in the Lok Sabha in
1996, no one dared ally with it as the party was regarded as communal and the
part it played in the demolition of the Babri Masjid and consequent violence
was still fresh in people's minds. In 1998, when a similar situation arose,
many parties including Kumar's Janata Dal (United) could not resist the
temptation of power and worked out a common minimum programme to share power
with the BJP.
If one
examines the statements made by the BJP, one can find some truth in them. The
claim that Vajpayee, Advani and Modi are ideologically similar is true to a
great extent. They are all committed swayamsevaks, working for the agenda of a
Hindu rashtra, which is the goal of the RSS. They are dissimilar too, with a
division of labour worked out among them. Since the BJP is probably not hoping
to get a majority on its own strength, it has to keep a liberal façade. For
this very reason, Vajpayee was its prime minister, while Advani, the prime
mover of the chariot of communalism and the Ram Temple campaign, was forced to
play second fiddle.
In that
sense, though they are on the same ideological wavelength, they play different
roles at any point of time. To say that Hindutva is secular and liberal is
turning reality on its head. Hindutva is not Hinduism. Hinduism is an umbrella
of various religious streams, which flowered and existed in this part of the
world. Hindutva as a concept and political ideology was articulated by VD
Savarkar. He defined it as the 'whole of Hinduness', a combination of the Aryan
race, culture and language. The Brahminical stream of Hinduism is based on it,
subtly promoting caste and gender hierarchy.
When the
entire nation was coming together under the guiding principles of liberty,
equality and fraternity, the upholders of Hindutva, belonging to a certain
section of society like the rajas, zamindars and upper-caste Hindus, kept aloof
from the struggle against the British. They came together as the Hindu
Mahasabha and later founded and supported the RSS. Their politics was at once
parallel and diametrically opposite to the politics of the Muslim League, which
was arguing along similar lines for an Islamic State. The Muslim League had a
similar class base. While the Hindu Mahasabha-RSS gloated over the glorious
Hindu past and asserted that we were a Hindu nation from times immemorial, the
Muslim League identified with Muslim kings. The freedom struggle under Mahatma
Gandhi wanted to break free from the yoke of colonial rule and change caste and
gender relations. His politics articulated that we were a 'nation in the
making'.
This is a
prime example of the use of religion as an instrument by a section of society
which wanted to preserve their privileges in the changing social dynamics. The
sharpest articulation of Hindutva politics came from MS Golwalkar, who in his
We, Our Nationhood Defined, eulogised fascism and asked for second-class
citizenship for Muslims and Christians. Today, the RSS is unable to deny either
the blunt formulation of its politics by Golwalkar or the existence of this
book.
The
RSS-led forces want to keep a democratic face till they come to power and
unleash their full agenda. Currently, their trained swayamsevaks are
infiltrating different wings of the State, apart from joining organisations
like the BJP. The BJP claims that it believes in justice for all and
appeasement of none. A cleverly-worded sentence, it conceals its intention of
continuing the discrimination against those suffering in the present scheme of
things.
How does
one understand the difference between Hinduism and Hindutva? Mahatma
Gandhi was a Hindu but not a follower of Hindutva. Nathuram Godse and the RSS
are practitioners of 'Hindutva politics'. For the latter, a Hindu like Gandhi
is ideologically unacceptable as he propagated a secular ethos while being the
best of Hindus. The statement by Kumar only represents one of the aspects of
the political reality being witnessed by the nation.
Ram
Puniyani is a Delhi-based writer. The views expressed by the author are
personal.
(http://www.hindustantimes.com/News-Feed/ColumnsOthers/What-lies-behind-the-mask/Article1-878287.aspx)
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